الوسم: elections


  • 1. The challengers

    The hard-right Florida governor Ron DeSantis was widely seen as the most probable Republican candidate to prevent former president Donald Trump from becoming the party’s nominee for a third consecutive election. However, in January, despite being backed by the media tycoon Rupert Murdoch, DeSantis ends his flailing campaign – and eventually endorses Trump, whose team had smeared him as “Pudding Fingers” owing to his alleged eating habits. Running almost as an incumbent, Trump’s last serious challenger ends up being the former South Carolina governor Nikki Haley, who, against all expectations, takes on the mantle of the anti-Trump vote. Casting doubt on Trump’s mental fitness and his loyalty to the US constitution, the former UN ambassador garners significant support – and perseveres until Super Tuesday in March, when she finally stands aside, leaving Trump as the last major candidate standing for the 2024 Republican nomination.

    Nikki Haley (left) and Ron DeSantis (right) failed to prevent Trump from becoming the Republican nominee for a third time. Composite: Bloomberg, Getty Images, Reuters, EPA

  • 2. The president

    In the annals of American politics, incumbent presidents seeking re-election typically enjoy a significant edge over their challengers. However, Joe Biden – the country’s oldest president – bucks the trend as his meandering remarks, frequent misspeaking of names and halting speech raise concerns that he might just be too old to take on Trump again. Nevertheless, essentially unopposed, the 46th president of the US runs the board in the Democratic primaries and is named the party’s candidate for 2024, while vowing that, despite his advancing years, he remains the most capable contender to defeat Trump once again.

    Joe Biden waves to supporters after speaking at a campaign event in March. Photograph: Brynn Anderson/AP

  • 3. The trial

    The first real jolt of the election campaign arrives on 30 May, when a jury of 12 New Yorkers makes Trump the first ex-president in American history to become a convicted felon. They find him guilty of committing a crime – 34 of them, in fact – when he falsified business records to disguise $130,000 (£100,000) in hush-money payments to the porn star Stormy Daniels, to hide the scandal from American voters on the eve of the 2016 election. It is far from Trump’s only legal woe: at various times he has faced more than 90 criminal counts, including racketeering charges in Georgia for a conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election results, where he marked another milestone: the first mugshot of an American president. (That case itself later takes a dramatic turn when the district attorney, Fani Willis, is revealed to have had an affair with a prosecutor she hired, and the case remains on hold while a judge considers whether to disqualify her.) Separately, in February, a federal judge orders Trump to pay $83.3m to the writer E Jean Carroll, who had sued for defamation after Trump publicly disputed that he had sexually assaulted her – an accusation the judge ruled was “substantially true”. Many of the other cases remain in limbo while Trump pursues his well worn legal tactic: delay, delay, delay.

    Donald Trump’s mugshot released by the Fulton County sheriff’s office. Photograph: Fulton County sheriff’s office/Reuters

  • 4. The debate

    Biden’s performance in the opening presidential debate against Trump on 27 June in Atlanta is perhaps one of the worst in American history. Shaky, raspy-voiced and slack-jawed, his disastrous showing is punctuated by repeated stumbles over words, uncomfortable pauses and at least one point where he trails off before claiming: “We finally beat Medicare.” Top Democratic figures and donors panic, while recriminations swirl about the role of his campaign and of the media in failing to adequately account for his apparently declining mental fitness. The drum beat for Biden, 81, to step aside becomes increasingly relentless, as Democratic strategists finally join average voters in questioning whether the party might yet swap him out for a younger standard bearer to face off against Trump.

    Trump and Biden during the first presidential debate in June, when the president’s poor performance shocked Democrats. Photograph: Gerald Herbert/AP

  • 5. The immunity ruling

    On 1 July, the supreme court drops a bombshell of its own: it rules that Trump is at least partly immune from criminal prosecution for anything he did in his “official capacity” as president. The decision, a major victory for Trump, destroys the likelihood of a criminal trial for Trump over trying to subvert the 2020 election occurring before the new election in November 2024. It is also the latest example of what most observers agree is the rightwing capture of the supreme court that Trump himself made possible by appointing three arch-conservative judges. Having already overturned Roe v Wade – a monumental victory for the anti-abortion movement, for which Trump proudly claims credit, that made abortion a huge issue in the 2022 midterms and now the 2024 election – the conservatives had caused even more of a furore in May when photos proved an upside down flag flew outside the home of Justice Samuel Alito, a symbol of support for Trump’s “Stop the Steal” movement that was prominent at the 6 January riot. Since the immunity ruling, the special counsel Jack Smith has hit back, filing a new indictment with more streamlined allegations; Trump in return has promised to fire Smith “within two seconds” if he wins re-election.


  • 6. The shooting

    On 13 July, during a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, Trump is shot and wounded in his upper right ear by Thomas Matthew Crooks, 20, who fires eight bullets with an AR-15-style rifle from the rooftop of a nearby building. As security agents cover the president, he stands with a raised fist and shouts: “Fight, fight, fight”, in what becomes an instantly iconic photograph and moment. The shooting claims the life of one attender and two others are left in critical condition; Crooks is killed by security agents. Just nine weeks later, on 15 September, Trump is allegedly the target of a second aspiring assassin at his golf club in West Palm Beach, Florida, where Secret Service agents find Ryan Wesley Routh, 58, hiding in the bushes with a rifle. As well as setting off a crisis in the Secret Service, the events give Trump a rallying cry for his re-election effort: he appears at the Republican national convention days after the Butler shooting wearing an ear bandage, to a rapturous welcome.

    Suspected shooter killed after Donald Trump assassination attempt – video report


  • 7. The withdrawal

    At 1.46pm on 21 July, Biden announces he will no longer seek re-election – ending weeks of fevered speculation and mounting pressure from lawmakers, donors, activists and voters terrified of his inability to beat Trump. A key intervention comes from the actor and Democratic fundraiser George Clooney: “It’s devastating to say it, but the Joe Biden I was with three weeks ago at the fundraiser was not the Joe ‘big F-ing deal’ Biden of 2010,” he writes. Biden’s longtime political ally and ex-House speaker Nancy Pelosi also plays a crucial role in limiting the president’s legacy to one term in what she says is a “cold calculation” for the sake of the country – and later tells the Guardian she has not spoken to her old friend since.


  • 8. The coronation

    Taking the stage in Chicago on 23 August to a thunderous standing ovation, the vice-president, Kamala Harris, with the full-throated support of Biden, officially accepts the Democratic presidential nomination, making her the first Black woman to lead a major party ticket. Harris declares the election an opportunity for the country to “chart a new way forward” and encourages voters to write the “next great chapter in the most extraordinary story ever told”. The impact is immediate and dramatic: she goes on to raise more than $1bn in less than three months, a record, and draws boisterous crowds to energetic rallies where she focuses on reproductive rights, economic help for the middle class and safeguarding US democracy.

    Kamala Harris accepts Democratic nomination, urges Americans to ‘fight for this country’ – video


  • 9. The wildcard

    Robert F Kennedy Jr, the scion of the most famous Democratic family whose independent campaign for president had at times reached as high as 10% in national polling, drops out. Kennedy had faced a string of scandals, including accusations he had assaulted a former babysitter. He also admitted that, yes, it was him who dumped a bear carcass in Central Park in a case that had mystified New Yorkers a decade earlier. After dropping out, the environmental campaigner turned vaccine skeptic then plays both sides – reportedly making overtures to Harris in August to discuss endorsing her in exchange for a job, then opting to back Trump, who has allegedly offered Kennedy control over the health agencies. Among third-party candidates still running are the environmentalist Jill Stein, who also stood as the Green party’s candidate in 2012 and 2016, the progressive activist Cornel West and Chase Oliver of the Libertarian party.


  • 10. The running mates

    In July, the Ohio senator JD Vance formally accepts Trump’s offer to run as his vice-presidential nominee – a dramatic change of position for Vance, the author of the hit memoir Hillbilly Elegy who once described himself as a “never Trumper” and called his new boss “America’s Hitler”. But if there is one quote for which JD Vance will be remembered in history, it is his controversial definition of leading Democrats: “A bunch of childless cat ladies,” he told the Fox News host Tucker Carlson in 2021. On the other side of the aisle, Harris chooses the Minnesota governor Tim Walz, a native of rural Nebraska who was a teacher and high school football coach and served in the National Guard for 24 years before entering politics. Walz captures national attention with a surprisingly effective takedown of Republicans: “These guys are just weird.”

    The VP picks: Tim Walz (left) and JD Vance. Photograph: AP

  • 11. The billionaire

    The wealthiest man on the planet formally declares what most people had suspected after he bought Twitter and rebranded it as the more extreme X: he is a fully fledged cheerleader for Trump. First endorsing Trump after the assassination attempt, and then dancing and leaping on stage at a Trump rally, the boss of Tesla, Space X and several other companies takes to the newest of his many jobs with a gusto that shames even the most politically active billionaires. Musk becomes everything from a Trump policy adviser to a mega-donor and (through his America Pac campaign group) a leading figure in the Republican “ground game”, its effort to get voters to the polls. In October, he also begins giving away $1m a day to Pennsylvanians who are registered voters – causing a judge to demand his presence in court for running an “illegal lottery”. To those who ask what’s in it for Musk, observers point to billions in federal contracts and Trump promising him a role in helping to gut regulators.

    Elon Musk jumps around on stage at a Trump rally in Butler, Pennsylvania. Photograph: Evan Vucci/AP

  • 12. The debate 2.0

    On 11 September, Harris outperforms Trump in their first debate, appearing to vindicate Biden’s decision to gracefully bow out and marking a dramatic change in fortune as she takes a slight polling lead over Trump – though the polls essentially remain tied for the remainder of the race. However, it isn’t Harris’s victory that most attracts headlines from the debate, but the former president’s claim about immigrants from Haiti: “In Springfield, they are eating the dogs,” Trump said. “They are eating the cats. They are eating the pets of the people that live there.” Quickly immortalised in a viral song, the statement – an obvious and quickly debunked lie – appears at first to hurt the Republicans, but far from repudiating it Trump and Vance begin repeating it as part of an anti-immigrant focus that the campaign embraces as its driving principle, including a promise to carry out the largest mass deportation in US history.

    Harris v Trump: highlights of the presidential debate – video


  • 13. The celebs

    If Trump can rely on the support of the world’s richest man, Harris can count on that of its biggest-selling recording artist. In a post on Instagram minutes after the debate, Taylor Swift endorses Harris, encouraging her fans to register to vote and signing it “Childless Cat Lady”, a reference to Vance’s slur. She is hardly alone: Charli xcx had already set off a series of pro-Harris internet memes by tweeting “kamala IS brat” – referring to a lifestyle inspired by noughties excess and rave culture, as well as the name of her hit album Brat – and eventually Beyoncé, Eminem (whose hit Lose Yourself was rapped by Barack Obama at a Detroit rally where the superstar told his home city to “use your voice” for Harris) and dozens more popstars back Harris. From actors such as Robert De Niro – who clashes with Trump supporters outside the ex-president’s hush-money trial in New York – and the cast of Marvel’s Avengers movies, or athletes such as LeBron James (“When I think about my kids and my family and how they will grow up, the choice is clear to me”), most of the highest-profile celebrity endorsements have gone to Harris – though Trump can boast he has Hulk Hogan, Dr Phil and Kid Rock in his camp.

    ‘Love me some Eminem’: Obama raps on stage at Harris campaign rally – video


  • 14. The rally

    Anger and vitriol take centre stage at New York’s Madison Square Garden as Trump and a cabal of his acolytes hold a rally marked by racist comments, coarse insults and threats about immigrants. The rally features nearly 30 speakers, with some of them making a series of racist remarks about Latinos, Black Americans and Jewish citizens. “I don’t know if you guys know this, but there’s literally a floating island of garbage in the middle of the ocean right now. I think it’s called Puerto Rico,” Tony Hinchcliffe says, among other controversial remarks including singling out a Black man in a remark about watermelons. In the subsequent hours, Democrats, celebrities and Hispanic groups on both sides of the political aisle condemn the comments as “offensive” and “derogatory”, with many voters of Puerto Rican heritage saying they will change their votes to Harris – potentially a key voting bloc in the swing state of Pennsylvania. The event had already drawn comparisons to an infamous Nazi rally held at the arena in 1939, with the Democratic National Committee projecting images on the outside of the building repeating claims from Trump’s former chief of staff that he had “praised Hitler” – and although Vance dismisses the comparison, many note it was only in 2016 that Vance himself had suggested Trump could become “America’s Hitler”.

    Donald Trump fills Madison Square Garden with anger, vitriol and racist threats – video report


  • 15. The final pitches

    The days leading up to election day are always the most frenzied, and the 2024 race is no exception, with the candidates trading insults and billions of people around the world glued to the latest polls, which do not show a clear lead for either Trump or Harris. With the White House illuminated behind her, Harris draws a crowd of more than 75,000 people in Washington DC, referring to Trump as “another petty tyrant” who had stood in the same spot nearly four years ago and, in a last-gasp effort to cling to power, helped incite the mob that stormed the US Capitol. Meanwhile, Trump continues to smear immigrants and arrives at a rally in a garbage truck, a stunt to attack Democrats. Police chiefs and sheriffs across the country brace for potential violence against election workers, disruptions at polling locations and harassment of voters, while unfounded allegations of voter fraud prompt fears that Trump could, once more, refuse to accept the results if he loses – and this time get millions of Americans to do the same.

    Kamala Harris makes ‘closing argument’ speech, calling for ‘new generation of leadership’ – video

  • Five closest US elections: When California, New York were swing states | US Election 2024 News

    Five closest US elections: When California, New York were swing states | US Election 2024 News

    Voters across 50 states in the US are casting ballots to choose the 47th president of the country in an election that has turned into a neck-and-neck battle between the two main candidates.

    So far, election analysts say this year’s presidential race between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump is too close to call.

    According to FiveThirtyEight’s daily polls tracker, Harris has a 1.2-point lead over Trump nationally. But Trump has begun narrowing the gap in recent days, and has slim leads in the battleground states of North Carolina, Georgia and Arizona.

    Yet it’s not the first time that the path to the United States presidency has essentially seen a dead heat between candidates. Previous closely fought presidential elections have also seen California and New York – not the typical swing states – and also the US Supreme Court play a role in deciding the winner.

    Let’s take a look at five presidential races in US history that came down to a few thousand votes:

    1824: US House of Representatives weighs in

    The 1824 battle for the White House was a turning point in American history as four candidates, all from the same political party, competed for the top post and the US House of Representatives had to pick the winner.

    After the death of Alexander Hamilton, America’s first US secretary of the treasury and a founding father in 1804, the Democratic-Republic Party which had defeated Hamilton’s Federalist Party, was confident of its easy path to presidency.

    But picking one presidential candidate proved to be hard for members of the party, and John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson and William H Crawford, all from the Democratic-Republic Party, campaigned across the country, hoping to become the next president.

    When polls closed across all 28 US states (the country now has 50), Jackson was in the lead with 99 electoral votes, followed by Adams who received 84, Crawford who got 41 and Clay who got 37 electoral votes.

    But no candidate received a majority.

    According to the Twelfth Amendment of the US Constitution, in such a case, “the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President”. Moreover, since the Constitution also stated that only the top three in the race move ahead, Clay was disqualified.

    For around a year, each candidate lobbied members of the House of Representatives – the lower chamber of the US Congress, including Clay, who was the speaker of the House.

    Finally, on February 9, 1825, the House voted to elect Adams as the president of the US, a result that came to form after a critical vote by Clay. According to the US National Archives, he shelved his support for his home state candidate Jefferson, and picked Adams.

    Adams, who was also the son of John Adams, the second president of the US, eventually picked Clay as his secretary of state.

    This did not go down well with Jackson, and he accused Clay and Adams of engaging in a “corrupt bargain” and sought an election rematch.

    During the next presidential election in 1828, Jackson managed to beat Adams and became the president. But his anger towards Clay remained.

    According to a US Senate Historical Highlight brief, towards the end of his presidency, when Jackson was asked if he had any regrets, he said: “I regret I was unable to shoot Henry Clay…”

    1876: One vote changed the game

    Half a century later, the presidential election was decided by one vote in the Electoral Commission – a group created by the US Congress comprising 14 congressmen and a Supreme Court justice, to solve the disputed presidential race.

    The 1876 election saw Republican Party candidate Rutherford B Hayes, who had also fought in the US Civil War, up against Democratic Party candidate Samuel Tilden, a politician known for his anti-corruption policies. Moreover, this being an era when the US was just recovering from the 18th-century Civil War and Congress had passed several Reconstruction Acts, one of the goals was ensuring that the voting rights of Black Americans were secure.

    But in many southern states like Louisiana, white Americans wanted a return to white supremacy and had been protesting against efforts to enfranchise Black people in the country since 1873. Describing the situation in the south, in his essay Black Reconstruction: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880, historian WEB Du Bois wrote: “The slave went free; stood a brief moment in the sun; then moved back again toward slavery.”

    By the 1876 presidential election, the Black vote had almost been repressed and this led to the Democratic Party becoming popular among Black voters in the South, especially in Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida.

    According to White House archives, “The popular vote apparently was 4,300,000 for Tilden to 4,036,000 for Hayes”. However, Hayes’s chances of election depended upon contested electoral votes in Louisiana, South Carolina and Florida. So the Republicans demanded a recount.

    After months of uncertainty, in 1877, Congress weighed in and formed the Electoral Commission, which voted in favour of Hayes. After the commission’s vote, Hayes defeated Tilden by one vote: 185 electoral votes to 184.

    On winning the elections, Hayes pledged to protect Black Americans’ rights in the South and also encouraged the “restoration of wise, honest, and peaceful local self-government”.

    1884: When New York was a swing state

    New York has been a stronghold for the Democratic Party in more recent years. But in 1884, the state was a swing state and played a critical role in deciding the winner of the presidential race, which was also marred by a scandal.

    Republican candidate James G Blaine was up against the Democratic Party’s Grover Cleveland, who was also the mayor of New York.

    Back then, the US was rife with economic drama and filled with corrupt money-making deals. The Democratic Party was popular in the southern states in the US and Cleveland had impressed people in New York with his anti-corruption policies. He and the Democratic Party believed they had an easy path to success.

    But just days after Cleveland was nominated as the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party on July 11, the Buffalo Evening Telegraph reported that he had fathered a son with a woman named Maria Halpin. According to the US Library of Congress, the child had been given away to an orphanage since Cleveland was not certain the child was his. But he helped the child financially until he was adopted.

    The Republican Party latched on to this story as its candidate, Blaine, had been painted by the Democratic Party campaign as a liar and politician involved in cash deals.

    In turn, according to the Library of Congress, a popular satirical publication called The Judge ran a cartoon of Cleveland titled: “Ma, Ma, Where’s my Pa?”

    While Cleveland was running on the slogan, “Tell the truth”, the scandal dented his support base in New York, the most populous state carrying 36 electoral votes back then.

    When polls closed, Cleveland’s lead was narrow in the state and he received 563,048 votes in New York to Blaine’s 562,001.

    In the end, the few thousand votes decided by New York together with the combined support of reform Republicans who disliked Blaine helped Cleveland win.

    According to White House archives, President Cleveland pursued a policy of not offering favours to any economic groups. He was also said not to particularly enjoy the comforts of the White House.

    As president, he once wrote to a friend: “I must go to dinner…but I wish it was to eat a pickled herring, a Swiss cheese and a chop at Louis’ instead of the French stuff I shall find.”

    1916: California calls the shots

    In 1916, a drink in Long Beach, California was what it took to upend the US presidential race between Woodrow Wilson, from the Democratic Party, and Republican candidate Charles Evans Hughes.

    Back then, the western US state known for its picturesque beaches and redwood forests had 13 electoral votes and was a swing state. Currently, being the most populous state, it has 54 electoral votes – the most in the US.

    Moreover, besides presidential candidates, two members of California’s Republican Party – Hiram Johnson and conservative William Booth – hoped to win seats in the US Senate.

    According to the History Channel, while campaigning in Long Beach, Hughes was told that Johnson was staying in the same hotel as him but did not engage with Johnson or offer him a drink.

    Johnson wasn’t very pleased and did not offer his support to Hughes in California, meaning Wilson won the swing state by around 3,000 votes. Wilson also won the presidency.

    2000: US Supreme Court decides

    The presidential race of 2000 saw Democrat Al Gore, the vice president of the country back then, and Republican George W Bush, who was the governor of Texas, compete. The contest ultimately came down to Florida — and the US Supreme Court had to weigh in.

    On election night, as polls closed across the country, it became clear the 25 electoral votes in Florida, a swing state, would determine the winner. When results from the Sunshine State trickled in, TV networks across the US began announcing that Bush had won the state’s electoral votes. Gore called Bush to congratulate him, but soon withdrew his concession when Bush’s lead in Florida began dropping.

    Lawyers from the Democratic Party and Republican Party began a legal fight over the votes, with Gore’s lawyers also demanding a recount.

    The battle went to the country’s Supreme Court and, after weeks of uncertainty, the court said the recounts could not be established and voted 5-4 in favour of Bush’s victory.

    The Bush versus Gore election continues to haunt the country’s court, which has often stayed away from elections.

    In 2013, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, who voted with the majority in the Supreme Court, told the Chicago Tribune that the “court took the case and decided it at a time when it was still a big election issue. … Maybe the court should have said, ‘We’re not going to take it, goodbye’.”

  • Advisers urge Donald Trump to declare victory prematurely on election night | US elections 2024

    Donald Trump has been told by some advisers that he should prematurely declare victory on election night if he’s sufficiently ahead of Kamala Harris in key battleground states like Pennsylvania, according to people close to him, though whether he will heed that advice remains unclear.

    The consensus view is that Trump has nothing to lose by claiming he has won if he has a several-hundred-thousand-vote advantage in Pennsylvania or if his internal pollsters think a victory is plausible even if the results are not fully confirmed on Tuesday night.

    But even Trump’s most pugnacious allies – including the former White House strategist Steven Bannon who spoke with him last week, one of the people said – have suggested he hold off making a pronouncement if the race is any closer by the time he goes to bed, lest it makes him look foolish.

    In the final days of the campaign, Trump and his campaign have projected confidence. It has raised expectations among his supporters that he will win, laying the groundwork for baselessly claiming the election was stolen if he loses and Harris takes the White House. Any premature declaration of victory would also probably play into that phenomenon.

    The wild-card factor in what Trump might do on election night remains Trump himself. His aides concede that if Trump decides he wants to declare, he will do as he pleases, and his travel-weary team might have little appetite and influence to dissuade him.

    Trump’s team collectively shrugging at the prospect of the former president prematurely proclaiming himself the winner, as he did in the aftermath of the 2020 election, is itself notable as it underscores yet another norm of presidential politics shattered by Trump.

    Trump declaring prematurely would not carry the element of surprise it had four years ago. The Harris campaign have said they are preparing for him to pull such a stunt again.

    Trump has spoken less this time around about what he plans to do on election night, the people said, in contrast to his premeditation in the 2020 election when he told friends and allies of his intention to declare victory regardless of the outcome.

    Trump dodged questions about his intentions as he cast his own ballot on Tuesday.

    “I don’t know what’s going to happen in terms of declaring victory,” Trump said. “It looks like we have a very substantial lead. It looks like we have many more Republicans voting than Democrats. So if you have a lead and a bigger vote it means you’re doing well but they have to call a winner. And they should call a winner.”

    But whether it is a product of the advisers around him tamping down on that kind of plotting that set into motion attempts to overturn the election results or the logistics of the news media being at a different venue from his private watch party, Trump has been quieter about his intentions.

    Trump will watch the results come in at a private watch party at his Mar-a-Lago club for members, donors and other friends and family, while the official campaign watch party takes place a short drive away at a convention center in West Palm Beach, Florida, the people said.

    The private watch party starts earlier and Trump is likely to project to members that he is winning, the people said. That event at Mar-a-Lago has also been described as a knife fight, with allies knocking off donors’ names from the list to get credentials for themselves.

    Whether Trump will double down on any victory claim at the convention center party remains unclear. Trump’s aides have suggested if he does decide to announce himself as the winner, he will motorcade over from Mar-a-Lago, and if not, he might not make an appearance at all.

    Read more of the Guardian’s 2024 US election coverage

  • US election results 2024 live: Donald Trump and Kamala Harris vie to be president | US elections 2024

    Electoral college votes

    illustration of Kamala Harris

    illustration of Donald Trump

    Electoral college votes

    First results expected after 18.00 EST (15.00 PDT or 23.00 GMT)

    How does the US election work?

    The winner of the election is determined through a system called the electoral college.

    What is the electoral college and how does it work?

    Each of the 50 states, plus Washington DC, is given a number of electoral college votes, adding up to a total of 538 votes. More populous states get more electoral college votes than smaller ones.

    A candidate needs to win 270 electoral college votes (50% plus one) to win the election.

    In every state except two – Maine and Nebraska – the candidate that gets the most votes wins all of the state’s electoral college votes.

    Electoral college votes correspond to electors from each state. These electors vote directly for the president, based on the results in the general election in their state. In early January, following the presidential election, Congress convenes in a joint session to count and certify the electoral votes.

    How do people vote in the US election?

    Elections in the US are administered by each state. Whether by mail-in ballots or voting in person on election day, people effectively vote in 51 mini-elections in the presidential election.

    Due to the electoral college rules, a candidate can win the election without getting the most votes at the national level. This happened in 2016, when Trump won a majority of electoral college votes although more people voted for Hillary Clinton across the US.

    A handful of races are run with a ranked choice voting system, whereby voters can rank candidates in their order of preference. If no candidate gets more than 50% of the vote, then the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated and their supporters’ votes will be counted for their next choice. The Guardian has marked these elections where applicable above, and shows the results of the final result with redistributed votes.

    How are the votes counted?

    Vote verification and counting involves many processes to ensure oversight and security, and it runs before, during and after election day.

    As soon as the polls close, local precincts count the ballots cast in person on election day, alongside any absentee or mail-in ballots that have been verified. Processes vary by state, but typically this involves verifying mail-in voter signatures and ensuring ballots are properly filled out. Provisional ballots, used when there are questions about a voter’s eligibility, are set aside for later verification.

    Verified ballots are then counted, usually digitally but in some cases manually. The counts are then transmitted to county election offices for aggregation and verification.

    This process involves thousands of local election officials who are either appointed or elected, depending on the state. Partisan and nonpartisan observers can monitor vote counting.

    State election authorities then compile the county-level results and, after another round of verification, certify the final results.

    Results are communicated through media – the Guardian receives results data from the Associated Press.

    Official results can take days or weeks to be fully finalised. This is often because of the verification process of absentee, mail-in and provisional ballots. In some states, mail-in ballots can be received and counted several days after election day. High voter turnouts and potential recounts in close races can also slow down results publication.

    How are the results reported?

    The election results on this page are reported by the Associated Press (AP). AP “call” the winner in a state when they determine that the trailing candidate has no path to victory. This can happen before 100% of votes in a state have been counted.

    Estimates for the total vote in each state are also provided by AP. The numbers update throughout election night and in the following days, as more data on voter turnout becomes available.

    Illustrations by Sam Kerr. Cartograms by Pablo Gutiérrez.

  • ‘Excitement in the air’: newly created Alabama district votes for first time | US elections 2024

    On Tuesday, residents in Alabama’s newly redrawn congressional district two will vote for the first time.

    A June 2023 ruling by the supreme court created the new district in the Black belt, which spans from the state’s Choctaw county, on its western border, to Russell county, in the east, where Black people make up 48.7% of the population. The decision also preserved the only other majority-Black district in the state – district seven. Voters in district two will have the opportunity to increase their political power, a historic change that has the potential to give voters in the Black belt a representative government.

    For Letetia Jackson, one of the plaintiffs in Allen v Milligan, the US supreme court case that formed the new district, this election is personal, the culmination of a years long struggle.

    “[We wanted to] make sure that Black voters and the African American population in the state of Alabama have an opportunity to have the type of representation that our numbers support,” said Jackson, who is also convener of the South Alabama Black Women’s Roundtable, an organization that works to engage Black voters.

    Black people make up about 29% of Alabama’s population, making it the fifth Blackest state in the country, behind Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia and Maryland. But Black voters within the Black belt had been pushed into different congressional districts, which prevented them from voting as a contiguous district and, ultimately, suffocated their political power.

    “We have seven congressional districts,” Jackson said “We only [had] one Black majority district, and we were advocating for at least one additional opportunity to elect another congressional member to represent our areas.”

    Map of Alabama 2nd Congressional District

    Following the 2020 census, in which the population of Black respondents grew, Jackson said that there was an opening to push for a more representative government. After years of lawsuits and appeals that ultimately made their way to the supreme court, the lines were redrawn, creating the new congressional district two.

    On election day, after voting for a presidential candidate, district two’s voters will move down ballot to vote for their representative in the United States House. They will choose between the Democrat Shomari Figures, who is Black, and Republican Caroleene Dobson, who is white. Despite its demographics, since 1823, the area has only been represented by white politicians, the majority of whom were, since the 1960s, Republicans. If Figures is elected, he would become the first Democrat to hold the position since 2008. And for the first time in the state’s history, two of Alabama’s seven House representatives would be Balck.

    “People are really, really excited about that position because in this area there’s been very little representation that actually reflects the needs, the issues, the policies of the people who live there,” she said. “And so they’re excited about the possibility of being able to have someone that really knows the district and that knows the people.”

    Casting the vote

    Jackson said that even though her district changed, no one from the elections office notified her and many other residents.

    Shomari Figures, Democratic candidate for Alabama’s second congressional district. Photograph: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc/Getty Images

    And during the Super Tuesday primary earlier this year, advocates reported that more than 6,000 voters in district two received postcards with incorrect voting information. In the absence of official voter information and mobilization efforts, the South Alabama Black Women’s Roundtable and other organizations are working to educate voters.

    “We’ve seen the district voting age population increase by 49%,” Rodriesha Russaw, executive director of The Ordinary People Society (Tops), said. “And so these people are learning more and more about how redistricting impacts the voting process and how it impacts their daily lives.”

    Russaw also said that there has been an “increase of harm”, since the last election, specifically for Black voters. She said that 15 to 20% of the calls made to a call center that is run for the Alabama Election Protection Network were from elders who were afraid to vote. She said the feeling of anxiety was pervasive.

    “One thing that we found is that the voter intimidation has increased in many ways through marketing, through social media, through just everyday contact with individuals, with police officers when it comes to police brutality and violence … [it’s] scare tactics so Black people and people of color would not show up to the polls,” she said.

    Tops and other organizations are planning to deploy trusted community leaders as volunteers throughout neighborhoods to encourage people to vote and give voters a sense of comfort when they are at the polls.

    They have received voter education training, are working throughout multiple counties in district two. They will be present at the polls, helping folks get off of vans and out of buses and into the polling places.

    “We have a really good chance to see a high [turnout] in young voters and first-time voters for this year – more than ever since the Obama election,” she said. “We’re amped up to make sure that these trusted leaders are at the forefront and that when they get to the polls, they see these faces because we don’t want them scared off by the police officers.”

    Jackson, from South Alabama Black Women’s Roundtable, said that she had heard from many folks who are feeling enthusiastic.

    Evan Milligan, center, plaintiff in Merrill v Milligan, flanked by Deuel Ross, Letetia Jackson, Terri Sewell and Janai Nelson. Photograph: Patrick Semansky/AP

    “I will not say that it’s a slam dunk or that everything is going to be rosy on election day, but I do know that there’s a lot of excitement in the air,” she said. “There are pockets of poor communities in the Black belt that no one ever generally even pays any attention to, and when you talk to some of those people, they’re excited to have an opportunity to finally get somebody who will come and speak to them and represent them.”

    In collaboration with other organizations, Tops is working to ensure that every county in district two has transportation to and from the polls. Transportation could prove to be key in a largely rural district, especially one in which voting locations may have changed without voters being notified.

    “[We are] ensuring that every particular county and district too has a means of transportation for those who maybe have disabilities or have physical impediments because we believe that equity and inclusion is a big thing,” Russaw said.

    Their inclusive voter engagement also extends to childcare. While talking to voters, Russaw said that organizers repeatedly heard that people had to choose between staying home with their children and going to the voting polls. This year, Tops is partnering with community volunteers to give people a safe place for their children while they go out and vote. The organization’s multipurpose center will have activities for children from the morning until after polling locations close.

    Jackson said that multiple organizations have been working across the state to reach voters via knocking on doors, making phone calls, sending information and holding rallies and events. They have been trying to ensure that people know when, how and where to vote.

    “Our education and mobilization strategy throughout this process is to let voters know they need to make a plan to vote, not to just show up where they normally show up, but to make sure that’s where they’re supposed to be,” she said.

    Tops is also using their radio station, WKCD99.1FM, to provide updated information about the election, criminal justice and reproductive justice. That station is also being used for their “Bringing hope to the vote” campaign, in which they aim to inspire people to vote.

    “People have lost so much hope,” Russaw said. “We’ve seen the political climate change. We’ve seen Covid, lost a lot of family members. The economical challenges in Alabama are not changing – minimum wage is still $7.25. People are struggling to eat and feed their kids. When we’re talking about engaging voters, we have to remind them that there’s hope … If we continue to focus on bringing hope to people, we will find that people are more amped to cast their vote because they feel like it matters.”

  • World watches with bated breath as US votes for Harris or Trump | US elections 2024

    From Brazil to Ireland and Germany to the Caribbean, this year’s knife-edge – and more than usually momentous – US presidential vote will be watched at a multitude of election-night events, some with a particular interest in the outcome.

    In St Ann Parish, Jamaica – and most particularly in Browns Town, where Harris’s father Donald was born and the Democratic candidate spent many happy childhood holidays – her supporters plan watch parties, drink-ups and other social gatherings.

    “I certainly will be watching it with bated breath. I’m anticipating a close election, but expecting a win for Kamala Harris because she is a dynamite, and I’m praying that, in the interest of democracy, she wins,” said 74-year-old resident Delroy Redway.

    Redway, whose brother will be hosting a watch party at his sports centre, said Browns Town was on a “knife edge” for Harris, who people consider a “little sister”.

    “Her grandfather is buried in the Anglican church, right there in Browns Town … so we will celebrate [her] victory,” he said.

    St Ann Parish’s mayor, Michael Belnavis, is also planning a celebratory watch party. A Harris win, he said, would be a signal that democracy is alive and well in the US. “As you know, St Ann is particularly close to her,” Belnavis said.

    “So I feel particularly close to this election … and we want to watch it and make it a celebratory thing by having a drink-up and just watching the big screen at John Crow’s Tavern in Ocho Rios with some close friends. Whichever way it goes, it’s going to be historic, and we want to be a part of that.”

    Also watching with more than the customary interest will be residents of Thulasendrapuram, Harris’s ancestral village in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, where her grandfather was born more than a century ago.

    Excited preparations have long been under way for election day, with the women of the village creating kolam, colourful images made from rice paste, outside all the homes, seeking divine blessings for Harris in the election.

    A special prayer (puja) is planned at the local Dharmasastha temple. “Our Dharmasastha [Hindu deity] will guarantee her victory,” was the confident prediction of temple trustee S Venkataraman.

    In Berlin, the Democratic-friendly scene of the biggest rally of Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign, jazz club Donau 115 in the city’s Neukölln district, a favourite with the American community, is hosting a “@donau115 is brat” party, riffing on Charli XCX’s early endorsement of Harris.

    A live feed of election coverage will begin just before midnight “and end when we know who the winner is and/or when we pass out from anxiety”, say the organisers, who also promise “dynamic” drink specials based on electoral college results, geopolitical trivia contests, and “a terrible sax solo every time a state gets called”.

    Across town in east Berlin, Democrats Abroad will hold an election night at their traditional venue in the century-old cinema Kino Babylon with commentary from the stage, live music and “comedy – regardless of how the night turns out”.

    In Paris, the legendary watering hole Harry’s Bar has held a ballot on the US election since 1924 and has only been wrong three times: in 1976, when drinkers backed Gerald Ford over Jimmy Carter; in 2004, when they backed John Kerry over George W Bush; and in 2016 in favouring Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump.

    The straw poll tradition dates back to before the days of proxy or postal ballots allowing Americans abroad to vote, when Harry MacElhone, the then owner of the bar that claims to have invented the Bloody Mary, wanted to bring the expat community in Paris together and allow them to express a view.

    Any customers who can provide proof of US citizenship can vote in the poll, casting their ballots into a century-old wooden box at the end of the bar. The latest figures from the bar were 265 for Trump – and 302 for Kamala Harris.

    In Brazil’s São Paulo, Latin America’s largest city, O’Malley’s Irish pub will be decked out for the occasion with flags, balloons, stars, and the stars and stripes, and will serve an eclectic menu of fish and chips, tikka masala, burritos and kebabs, plus nine different burger options (including the “big monster”: bacon, fried egg, three types of cheese, guacamole, jalapeños, baked beans and chilli).

    Organised by Democrats Abroad but open to people “from both sides”, the event starts at 10pm local time and runs until 2.30am when exit polls are expected. “We held events at the same pub this year for the presidential and vice-presidential debates, and they were hugely successful,” said a Democrats Abroad official, Kelly Ann Kreutz.

    In Ireland, by contrast, Donald Trump’s golf hotel in Doonbeg in County Clare will be closed as usual on Tuesday night, with no event planned to either celebrate or mourn the outcome of its owner’s third bid for the White House.

    University College Dublin is holding two election watch parties, but with a general election pending in the next month and fears a Trump victory could threaten the significant US tech and pharma presence in Ireland, events are few and far between.

    Reporting by Natricia Duncan, Anthony Lugg, Hannah Ellis-Petersen, Deborah Cole, Kim Willsher, Tiago Rogero and Lisa O’Carroll

  • When will we know the result of the US presidential election? | US elections 2024

    Over the last 25 years, Americans have regularly found themselves up into the early morning hours waiting for news organizations to make the decisive call of the last state needed to put a presidential candidate in the White House, and to learn who controls Congress.

    A moment like this on election night in 2000 led to our common language of Republican states as red states and Democratic states as blue states, as the US watched the Meet the Press host Tim Russert on NBC talk late through the night about what was happening in Florida.

    It’s extremely unlikely that we’ll know the winner of the presidential contest on election night, as Kamala Harris and Donald Trump are virtually tied in the polls, and the odds that the race comes down to a small number of swing states is high.

    So when will we know who won the US election?

    Well, that depends on how close things turn out to be. Four swing states – Arizona, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin – have absentee ballot procedures that can require days to conclude. But if Harris has decisively won the other swing states, it is enough to declare her the victor. Any other result will take time.

    Why do US news organizations make the call?

    News organizations call a winner. They do not determine a winner. Officials in elections offices who count votes and certify election results determine the winner. That certification happens days or even weeks after an election.

    News organizations convey the moment it has become plain from what those elections offices have said that the mathematical results of the vote count show a winner.

    “Our standard is absolute certainty,” said David Scott, head of news strategy and operations at the Associated Press. “We don’t declare a winner until we are 100% confident that the trailing candidates can’t catch up.”

    The Guardian follows the Associated Press in calling an election.

    How do news organizations make their calls?

    The AP and other election night news organizations such as CNN, NBC, ABC and Fox News maintain a “decision desk” and use a model to project how the vote count will unfold, state by state. Some are now relying on Decision Desk HQ, an independent organization set up specifically for this task.

    “News organizations have gotten a lot more nervous about making early calls because they don’t want to have to take a call back like they did in 2000,” said Mike Whener, a professor studying elections at the University of Wisconsin.

    The decisions about when to call are made by statisticians, not news anchors.

    “It’s not Sean Hannity making that determination,” Whener said. “It’s not Rupert Murdoch making that determination early. It’s the people in the room doing the analysis, making that determination about whether, whether the election can be called.”

    The calls of different networks may differ in timing because each uses a model that is independent of others. Different analysts may make conclusions at different times.

    When did we know the results in 2020?

    Joe Biden was declared the winner on Saturday 7 November – four days after the election. The president crossed the electoral vote threshold that day when media outlets called Pennsylvania and Nevada. Michigan and Wisconsin were both called the day after the election, but Arizona wasn’t called until 12 November, North Carolina until 13 November, and Georgia on 19 November, after a recount.

    Will results be faster or slower than 2020?

    That depends on the margins in each state. According to Protect Democracy, a non-partisan group, we’ll generally see results faster than in 2020 if the margin in a state is greater than 0.5%. They draw this conclusion because there will be significantly fewer mail ballots than in 2020, and states will be able to count them faster. Three states also expanded the pre-canvassing of mail ballots before election day that didn’t in 2020 (Arizona, Georgia and Michigan) and three states have an earlier deadline for when mail ballots must arrive than they did in 2020 (North Carolina, Nevada and Pennsylvania).

    Protect Democracy said in a recent report that its best guess was that results will be called in Michigan and Wisconsin one full day after polls closed – the same speed as 2020. It also guesses that Pennsylvania will be called faster than in 2020, when it took four days; Nevada will be called in the same amount of time or faster than 2020, when it took four days and Arizona will also be called in the same amount of time or faster than 2020, when it took nine days. North Carolina and Georgia will both be called faster than 2020, the organization guesses.

    What could prolong results?

    If the margin in states is smaller than 0.5% or if any states require recounts, results could be prolonged. News outlets will generally not call states until the results of a recount.

    For Arizona and Nevada in particular, “it’s very unlikely anybody’s going to call those races on election night,” McCoy said. “That’s the way those states have worked for a very long time, and so that’s very much expected.” If another swing state is as close as Georgia was in 2020, “you’re just waiting. That’s not something you’re going to get ahead of and make a projection that’s just too close to call. And so you’re just waiting for the votes to come.”

    Pennsylvania is particularly challenging because by law, local elections offices can’t begin opening envelopes and tallying mail-in ballots until the day of the election. Wisconsin, another swing state, has a similar restriction and may not report complete results until early Wednesday morning.

    Some states permit absentee ballots to be counted as much as 10 days after election day. Of the swing states, only Nevada has a meaningful delay; it can accept mail-in ballots up to the Saturday after election day, as long as they are postmarked by 5 November.

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    If there are legal battles over which ballots to count, that could also delay results. There are currently numerous pending lawsuits in a number of swing states concerning the canvassing of certain ballots, including late-arriving ballots and overseas ballots.

    If a state has results like Florida in 2000, where a three-digit number separates two candidates, the result may come down to military absentee ballots and possibly provisional ballots. Typically, only about half of provisional ballots count, but in a close race we’ll see a mad scramble by political teams to find the people who cast those ballots to “cure” them, which usually involves bringing proof of identification and registration to an elections office.

    What states will provide results first this year?

    It’s likely that news organizations will call several east coast states first where one candidate has a clear advantage over the other.

    “Obviously, there are some states that are going to be basically called at full closing,” said Drew McCoy, president of Decision Desk HQ. “There’ll be some that are called, you know, once you sort of start to see the first votes come in and that it tracks with historical precedents.”

    What is the ‘red mirage’ and the ‘blue shift’?

    The phrases “red mirage” and “blue shift” refer to the same phenomenon in which a Republican candidate appears to have a lead early in the evening, only for that edge to disappear as more votes are counted.

    In 2020, mail-in ballots heavily favored Democrats, while Republicans were far more likely to vote in-person. On Wednesday at noon on the day after the election, Donald Trump had an 11% lead, which Joe Biden overcame over the next two days as elections workers counted 2.7 million voters’ mail-in ballots. The AP and other news organizations knew how many absentee ballots voters had returned, and knew how many had been requested by registered Democrats, and refrained from calling the race for Biden until those ballots were counted.

    On the Friday before election day, Wisconsin had received more than 1m absentee ballots, with more on the way.

    “In the two most populous counties, they don’t finish counting until 1am or 2am,” Whener said. “And so several hundred thousand votes come in, you know, under the cover of darkness, and they happen in the two most liberal counties in the state. The Democrat always picks up a ton of votes in the middle of the night in Wisconsin, because, by law, they can’t start counting until then. It’s a petri dish for conspiracy theories, even though they’re doing things exactly the way they’re required to do them.”

    The opposite phenomenon occurs in Arizona, where mail-in ballots received before election day are counted – and reported – first. In 2022, the Democratic senator Mark Kelly had a 20-point lead over Republican Blake Masters at the start of the night. Kelly ultimately won with a five-point margin.

    But mail-in ballots received on election day cannot be processed until after the polls close. In 2020, that was a significant number – about 320,000 ballots in Maricopa county alone.

    Why is this so complicated? Why doesn’t the country just add up all the votes and see who has more?

    A reminder: in the presidential election contest, the popular vote nationally does not determine the result. Each state counts its votes separately. With two exceptions – Nebraska and Maine – the winner of a state gets all of its electoral votes, regardless of whether the state was won by 537 votes out of about 6m cast, as in the presidential contest in Florida in 2000, or the 1.5m-vote margin Reagan won California by in 1984.

    Each state has a number of electors based on the number of congressional districts it has, plus two additional votes representing the state’s Senate seats. Washington DC has three electoral votes, despite having no voting representation in Congress.

    It takes 270 electors to win.

    Biden won by a 51-47 percentage in 2020, a margin of about 7m votes. The electoral count was 306-232, winning about 57% of the electors.

    When will we know who controls Congress?

    Individual congressional races will be called as votes come in, but with 435 races across the country, some are bound to be too close to call on election night. Depending on how many, it may not be obvious for some time which party controls Congress, McCoy said.

    “There’s always kind of like one or two races that are just, you know, ridiculously close, and it just goes to a recount, or whatever the process may be,” McCoy said. “It’s very much about waiting for the data and seeing what it tells you, not getting in front of that. That’s our biggest rule, is never getting in front of the data.”

  • Trump staffer fired from Republican party for being a white supremacist | US elections 2024

    A Donald Trump staffer who worked as a regional field director for the western Pennsylvania Republican party was fired on Friday after it was revealed that he was a white supremacist.

    Politico reported it had identified Luke Meyer, 24, a Pennsylvania-based field staffer who worked for five months for the former president, as the online white nationalist who used the pseudonym Alberto Barbarossa.

    Meyer reportedly co-hosts the Alexandria podcast with Richard Spencer, the organiser of the 2017 white nationalist Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia and regularly shared racist views.

    “Why can’t we make New York, for example, white again? Why can’t we clear out and reclaim Miami?” Barbarossa asked during a podcast recording in June.

    “I’m not saying we need to be 100% homogeneous. I’m not saying we need to be North Korea or Japan or anything like that. A return to 80%, 90% white would probably be, probably the best we could hope for, to some degree.”

    After being presented with evidence by Politico linking him to the Barbarossa alias, Meyer admitted the connection and confessed that he had been concealing his online identity from fellow members of Trump Force 47, the arm of the Trump campaign overseeing volunteer mobilisation efforts.

    “I am glad you pieced these little clues together like an antifa Nancy Drew,” Meyer wrote in an email to Politico. “It made me realise how draining it has been having to conceal my true thoughts for as long as I have.”

    Meyer was hired in June by the Pennsylvania Republican party, which fired him on Friday, in a move confirmed in a text message by the GOP to the Washington Post.

    In an email to Politico, Meyer said: “Like the hydra, you can cut off my head and hold it up for the world to see, but two more will quietly appear and be working in the shadows. Slating Trump to speak at [Madison Square Garden], putting ‘poisoning the blood’ in his speeches, setting up Odal runes at CPAC, etc. In a few years, one of those groypers [slang for white supremacists] might even quietly bring me back in, with a stern warning for me to ‘be more careful next time’.”

    Neo-Nazi groups and the online far right are latching on to the anti-immigration rhetoric used by Trump’s campaign for the White House in an effort to recruit new supporters and spread their extremism to broader audiences.

  • US elections 2024: 10 key House races to watch | House of Representatives

    Much attention has been paid to the historic race between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump, but the results of down-ballot elections will determine whether the new president will actually be able to implement a legislative agenda next year.

    With Republicans defending a narrow majority in the House of Representatives, Democrats only need to flip a handful of seats to wrest back control of the lower chamber, and both parties are going all out to win.

    Here are ten House races to watch this year:

    Arizona’s first congressional district

    Republican incumbent David Schweikert is running for re-election in this toss-up district, which covers north-east Phoenix and Scottsdale. As one of 16 House Republicans representing districts that Joe Biden won in 2020, Schweikert is vulnerable, and Democrats have identified the seat as one of its top targets this year.

    After post-2020 redistricting moved the district to the left, physician Amish Shah won a crowded Democratic primary there in July. Given that Schweikert secured re-election by less than one point in 2022 and a recent Democratic internal poll showed the two candidates virtually tied, this race will be a hard-fought sprint to the finish line.

    California’s 45th congressional district

    Republican congresswoman Michelle Steel has emerged victorious from some tough political battles in the past, as she won re-election by five points in 2022, but Democrats hope to bring an end to that winning streak this year.

    A recent poll showed Democrat Derek Tran with a narrow lead over Steel in this district, which covers parts of Orange and Los Angeles counties. The Cook Political Report gives Democrats a two-point advantage in the district, but Steel has proven adept at overcoming difficult odds.

    Iowa’s third congressional district

    Freshman Republican Zach Nunn was previously favored to win re-election in this Des Moines area district that Trump narrowly carried in 2020. Nunn flipped the seat in 2020 after defeating incumbent Democrat Cindy Axne by less than one point.

    This time around, Harris is in a strong position to win the district, and Democrat Lanon Baccam’s strong fundraising record has helped put the seat in play for his party.

    Maine’s second congressional district

    Democratic incumbent Jared Golden is running for a fourth term in this perpetual swing district that Republicans have repeatedly tried and failed to flip. Golden defeated former Republican congressman Bruce Poliquin by six points in 2022, even though Trump carried the district by six points two years earlier, according to data compiled by Daily Kos.

    But this time around, Republicans believe they have a strong candidate in Austin Theriault, a state representative and former professional racecar driver who held a slight lead over Golden in a recent poll. Golden has proven politically resilient in this right-leaning district, so a loss could point to broader electoral problems for Democrats in November.

    Michigan’s seventh congressional district

    Democratic congresswoman Elissa Slotkin’s decision to run for Senate has created an opening in this bellwether district, which both parties have identified as a key target this year.

    Former Republican state senator Tom Barrett is running again after losing the 2022 election to Slotkin by six points, and he will face former Democratic state senator Curtis Hertel. The Cook Political Report has described the district as “the most competitive open seat in the country”, so the results here could have much broader implications in the battle for the House.

    Nebraska’s second congressional district

    This district will play a key role in both the presidential race and the battle for the House. Like Maine, Nebraska allocates a portion of its electoral votes based on congressional districts, and Harris is favored to win the electoral vote of the second district.

    With more attention on the second district because of the presidential race, Republican incumbent Don Bacon is facing some tough headwinds in his re-election bid. Bacon defeated Democrat Tony Vargas by just three points in 2022, and recent polls show Vargas opening up a small lead in this year’s rematch.

    North Carolina’s first congressional district

    Freshman Democratic congressman Don Davis is running for re-election in this north-eastern North Carolina district, which shifted to the right after the latest round of redistricting.

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    Much to the relief of Republican strategists, Laurie Buckhout won the congressional nomination over Sandy Smith, a hard-right firebrand who lost to Davis by five points in 2022.

    Republicans are hopeful that Buckhout’s impressive résumé as an army veteran and founder of her own consulting firm, combined with the more favorable district lines, will be enough to unseat Davis. But the incumbent held a six-point lead over his Republican challenger as of late September, one survey found.

    New York’s 17th congressional district

    Mike Lawler made headlines when he defeated incumbent Sean Patrick Maloney, then the chair of House Democrats’ campaign arm, by less than one point in 2022. This year, Maloney will face off against former Democratic congressman Mondaire Jones in this Hudson valley district that went for Biden in 2020.

    Lawler did not get dealt the worst hand from New York’s redistricting process; that distinction goes to fellow Republican freshman Brandon Williams, whose Syracuse-area seat went from Biden +7 to Biden +11, according to the Cook Political Report.

    All the same, Lawler will face stiff competition in a race that will be closely watched for broader electoral trends in November. If he cannot hold on to the seat, it could spell trouble for Republicans up and down the ballot.

    Pennsylvania’s 10th congressional district

    This seat may be harder for Democrats to flip, as the Cook Political Report gives Republicans a five-point advantage in the district. The hard-right views of Republican incumbent Scott Perry, who allegedly played a “central” role in Trump’s campaign to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, could allow Democrat Janelle Stelson to pull off an upset.

    Stelson, a former local news anchor, has focused her pitch on attacking Perry as a symbol of a dysfunctional Congress, and her message appears to be resonating with voters. One poll conducted in October showed Stelson leading by nine points, forcing Perry’s allies to allocate more funding to the race.

    Virginia’s seventh congressional district

    Democrat Eugene Vindman, who first attracted national attention for his role in Trump’s first impeachment trial, is facing a tougher than expected fight in this Virginia district that covers some of the Washington exurbs.

    Democrats are looking to hold the seat, which was left open after congresswoman Abigail Spanberger chose to launch a gubernatorial campaign rather than seek re-election.

    Internal polls show Vindman running neck-and-neck with his opponent, Republican Derrick Anderson, despite the Democrat’s hefty fundraising advantage. A loss in this bellwether district, which Biden won by seven points in 2020, could spell trouble for Democrats’ hopes of retaking the House.

    Read more of the Guardian’s 2024 US election coverage:

  • Abortion is on US ballot in 2024 elections

    Abortion is on US ballot in 2024 elections

    WASHINGTON (AP) — Voters in nine states are deciding whether their state constitutions should guarantee a right to abortion, weighing ballot measures that are expected to spur turnout for a range of crucial races.

    Passing certain amendments in Arizona, Florida, Missouri, Nebraska and South Dakota likely would lead to undoing bans or restrictions that currently block varying levels of abortion access to more than 7 million women of childbearing age who live in those states.

    The future legality and availability of abortion hinges not only on ballot measures, as policies could shift depending on who controls Congress and the presidency. Same with state governments — including legislatures that pursue new laws, state supreme courts that determine the laws’ constitutionality, attorneys general who decide whether to defend them and district attorneys who enforce them.

    If all the abortion rights measures pass, “it’s a sign of how much of a juggernaut support for reproductive rights has become,” said Mary Ziegler, a professor at the University of California Davis School of Law and an expert on the history of reproductive rights in the U.S.

    “If some of them fail,” she added, “then you’re going to see some conservatives looking for guidance to see what the magic ingredient was that made it possible for conservatives to stem the tide.”

    Voters have been supporting abortion rights

    Abortion rights advocates have prevailed on all seven measures that have appeared since 2022, when the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and ended the nationwide right to abortion. That decision opened the door to bans or restrictions in most GOP-controlled states — and protections of access in most of those controlled by Democrats.

    The abortion rights campaigns have a big fundraising advantage this year. Their opponents’ efforts are focused on portraying the amendments as too extreme rather than abortion as immoral.

    Currently, 13 states are enforcing bans at all stages of pregnancy, with some exceptions. Four more bar abortion in most cases after about six weeks of pregnancy — before women often realize they’re pregnant. Despite the bans, the number of monthly abortions in the U.S. has risen slightly, because of the growing use of abortion pills and organized efforts to help women travel for abortion. Still, advocates say the bans have reduced access, especially for lower-income and minority residents of the states with bans.

    The bans also are part of a key argument in the presidential race. Vice President Kamala Harris calls them “Trump abortion bans,” noting former President Donald Trump’s role in overturning Roe v. Wade. Harris, meanwhile, has portrayed herself as a direct, consistent advocate for reproductive health and rights, including Black maternal health.

    Trump has struggled to thread a divide between his own base of anti-abortion supporters and the majority of Americans who support abortion rights, leaning on his catch-all response that abortion rights should be left up to individual states.

    His shifting stances on reproductive rights include vowing in October to veto a national abortion ban, just weeks after the presidential debate when he repeatedly declined to say. Trump also has regularly taken credit for appointing three Supreme Court justices who helped overturn Roe v. Wade.

    Trump’s attempt to find a more cautious stance on abortion echoes the efforts of many Republican congressional candidates as the issue has emerged as a major vulnerability for the GOP. In competitive congressional races from coast to coast, Republicans distanced themselves from more aggressive anti-abortion policies coming from their party and its allies, despite their records on the issue and previous statements opposing abortion rights.

    The 2024 election is here. This is what to know:

    News outlets around the world count on the AP for accurate U.S. election results. Since 1848, the AP has been calling races up and down the ballot. Support us. Donate to the AP.

    The measures could roll back bans in five states

    While the ballot questions have similar aims, each one occupies its own political circumstances.

    There’s an added obstacle to passing protections in reliably Republican Florida: Supporters of the amendment must get at least 60% of the vote.

    Passing it there and rolling back a 6-week ban that took effect in May would be a blow to Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican with a national profile, who has steered state GOP funds to the cause and whose administration has weighed in, too, with a campaign against the measure, investigators questioning people who signed petitions to add it to the ballot and threats to TV stations that aired one commercial supporting it.

    Nebraska has competing ballot measures. One would allow abortion further into pregnancy. The other would enshrine in the constitution the state’s current law, which bars most abortions after 12 weeks — but would allow for further restrictions.

    In South Dakota, the measure would allow some regulations related to the health of the woman after 12 weeks. Because of that wrinkle, most national abortion-rights groups are not supporting it.

    In some states, notably Missouri, passing amendments may not expand access immediately. Courts would be asked to invalidate the bans; and there could be legal battles over that. Clinics would need to staff up and get licenses. And some restrictions could remain in effect.

    Arizona, a battleground in the presidential election, bans abortion after the first 15 weeks of pregnancy.

    The ballot measure there gained momentum after a state Supreme Court ruling in April found that the state could enforce a strict abortion ban adopted in 1864. Some GOP lawmakers joined with Democrats to repeal the law before it could be enforced.

    The measures would enshrine current access laws elsewhere

    In the Democratic-controlled Colorado and Maryland, the ballot measures would largely put existing policies into the state constitutions, though Colorado’s version could also remove financial barriers to abortion. It would take 55% of the vote to pass there.

    Measures maintaining access also are on the ballot in Montana, where a U.S. Senate race could help determine control of the chamber, and Nevada, a battleground in the presidential election.

    In Nevada, where control of the state government is divided, the ballot measure would have to be passed this year and again in 2026 to take effect.

    New York also has a measure on the ballot that its supporters say would bolster abortion rights. It doesn’t contain the word “abortion” but rather bans discrimination on the basis of “pregnancy outcomes, and reproductive healthcare and autonomy.”